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Saudi–Pakistan Defence Pact: The First Step Towards an Islamic NATO?

Colonel Dev Anand Lohamrod……

On 17 September 2025, at Riyadh’s Al-Yamamah Palace, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan signed the Strategic Mutual Defence Agreement (SMDA), elevating their decades-old brotherhood to a new strategic height. The pact was signed by Pakistan’s Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman. This agreement marks a significant shift in the geopolitics of the Middle East and South Asia.
The most striking and widely debated provision of the agreement declares that “an attack on one shall be considered an attack on both.” This collective security clause directly recalls NATO’s Article 5, clearly aimed at strengthening joint deterrence against any external aggression.
Saudi Arabia and Pakistan’s relations date back to Pakistan’s creation in 1947. Saudi Arabia, the custodian of Mecca and Medina, and Pakistan, the only nuclear-armed Muslim-majority nation, have long stood as key pillars of the Islamic world. In the 1960s Yemen War, Pakistani troops supported Saudi Arabia, and during the 1979 Grand Mosque seizure in Mecca, Pakistani Special Forces played a decisive role. In 1982, both states signed a bilateral security cooperation agreement, under which Pakistani troops were stationed in Saudi Arabia. More recently, during the 2022 FIFA World Cup, Pakistani forces helped secure Qatar, further extending Saudi Arabia’s regional influence. Economically, Saudi Arabia has consistently bailed out Pakistan—providing oil supplies, flood relief, and a crucial $3 billion deposit in 2024–25, which forms part of Pakistan’s staggering $87.4 billion external debt.
The new pact includes provisions for joint military exercises, arms supply, troop deployment, intelligence cooperation, and cyber security. Crucially, it allows the use of “all military means” in crisis situations—an indirect reference to Pakistan’s nuclear capability. For the first time, Saudi Arabia has openly aligned itself with a nuclear deterrent. While Riyadh insists Pakistan’s nuclear program is limited to energy-related enrichment and not weapons, the very inclusion of such language adds a nuclear shadow to the agreement. Beyond defence, the pact also highlights economic cooperation, trade expansion, and regional peacebuilding.
This pact comes at a time of heightened regional tension—only days after Israel’s 9 September 2025 strike on Qatar, which led Gulf states to question the reliability of American security guarantees. Against this backdrop, Riyadh turned to Islamabad’s military strength. Sharif’s reception with Saudi F-15 fighter jets was a symbolic show of brotherhood. Critics dismiss the deal as a byproduct of Pakistan’s financial dependence, while supporters hail it as the first step towards an “Islamic NATO.”
For Bharat (India), the implications are serious. Pakistan may gain access to advanced Saudi-supplied weapons like F-15s and Eurofighter Typhoons, enhancing its military posture against Bharat. The potential Saudi role on the Kashmir issue—given Riyadh’s past statements at the OIC—adds further concern. Saudi Arabia’s tacit links with the Taliban in Afghanistan could also complicate Bharat’s northern security landscape. While Riyadh claims the pact is not anti-Bharat, New Delhi has already launched a careful study of its implications. Though Bharat–Saudi trade remains strong at $41.88 billion, the new alignment could strain Bharat’s strategic position.
To counter emerging risks, Bharat must adopt a multi-pronged response. First, strengthen diplomatic engagement with Saudi Arabia, leveraging deep energy and economic ties to prevent the pact from turning hostile to Indian interests. Second, accelerate military modernization, especially in air power and missile defence, to offset Pakistan’s growing capabilities. Third, deepen strategic relations with Gulf powers like UAE and Qatar to maintain regional balance. Fourth, expand defence cooperation with the U.S. and Israel, who too may be unsettled by the Riyadh–Islamabad nexus.
History has shown that Saudi funding has often found its way into radical networks and terrorism. If repeated, Bharat may face renewed threats in Jammu & Kashmir and beyond. Moreover, Saudi Arabia remains Bharat’s top energy supplier, and millions of Indian expatriates work in the Kingdom. Any tilt towards Pakistan at Bharat’s expense could jeopardize both energy security and the welfare of its diaspora.
At the international level, the pact complicates Bharat’s diplomacy. In recent years, New Delhi had successfully advanced ties with Saudi Arabia, UAE, and Israel. But the 17 September 2025 pact disrupts this balance. The U.S., traditionally Saudi Arabia’s security guarantor, now watches as Riyadh seeks alternative defence partners. China, already close to Pakistan, stands to gain strategically from this shift. Thus, Bharat must deepen partnerships with the U.S., Europe, and Quad allies to balance the equation.
Bharat’s Iran policy is another potential casualty. With Chabahar Port central to its connectivity to Central Asia, Tehran may view the Saudi–Pakistani alignment with unease, creating space for a stronger Bharat–Iran partnership. At the same time, Bharat must keep relations with UAE, Qatar, and Bahrain balanced to dilute the Saudi–Pakistani axis.
This is a moment for Bharat to combine vigilance with assertive diplomacy. It must bolster defence partnerships with nations like France, the U.S., Japan, and Australia, while adopting a layered Middle East strategy. Diversifying energy imports, enhancing internal counter-terrorism mechanisms, and amplifying Bharat’s global voice will be key steps.
In conclusion, the Saudi–Pakistan defence pact of 17 September 2025 is more than just a bilateral security arrangement—it has the potential to alter Asia’s strategic balance. It places pressure on Bharat’s growing Middle East influence while creating new fault lines in the Gulf. Most importantly, it represents the first concrete step towards an “Islamic NATO,” which, if realized, could reshape the power architecture of Asia and the Gulf. Bharat must therefore remain alert, adaptive, and strategically proactive in facing this evolving challenge.
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